Friday, Sep 3rd, 2010

Interview: MIT Professor Wayne O’Neil, expert on second-language acquisition

Kourosh Ziabari talks to MIT Professor Wayne O’Neil about the difficulties in mastering a second-language, whether African-American Vernacular English can be classed as a distinct language, and the challenges of teaching language in our world.

By Kourosh Ziabari on Monday, February 9th, 2009 - 1,114 words.

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wayneoneilSecond language learners, particularly those in Iran, like myself, who choose English as their second tongue, usually have a lot of difficulty in getting to grips with it. In order to understand the obstacles for people like me from an academic viewpoint, I interviewed Prof. Wayne O’Neil, Professor of Linguistics, and expert in second language acquisition at Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT).

Professor O’Neil received his Ph.D. from University of Wisconsin in 1960, and has since published several books and scholarly articles including, “The Rhythm Rule in English and the Growth of L2 Knowledge”, “The bilingual mind/brain: Do we, can we know anything about it?” and “Nicaraguan English in History”.

KZ: Some scholars assert that perfection in a second foreign language is impossible, that one cannot obtain proficiency in any dialect and language other than his first language, even if he lives in a new country for many years. What’s you opinion?

WO: I have more than an opinion, for it is clear that perfection in the acquisition of a second language (L2) after the age of about seven years or so is not possible, except for very rare individuals; my late colleague Ken Hale, for example. The movement of people, the massive immigration of people to the Western Hemisphere, amounts to a huge natural experiment on L2 acquisition; thus the data are plentiful.

I am in fact presently working on a book about L2 acquisition in which I argue that all first language (L1) interference in L2 acquisition is phonological, assuming a broad enough understanding of the term ‘phonology’. L1 effects show up in L1-L2 differences that involve whether a feature is spoken: plurality, for example; where a feature is spoken: question words/phrases, for example; and how something is spoken: for example, is the phonological feature [strident] active (i.e., distinctive) or not. The tentative title of the book is this: First-language effects on second-language acquisition: It’s phonology all the way down. For extensive discussion of the analogous expression ‘It’s turtles all the way down!’ see this.

KZ: A major challenge for English-as-a-second-language speakers is that they can not effectively relate to conceptions of the target language because of reflective differences. I, for example, think with an Iranian mind, while someone else thinks with a Norwegian mind, and another thinks with an African mind. When we try to translate our concepts into another language then the difficulties emerge. We can think clearly, but the translation is blurred. What’s the reason?

WO: I can offer no reason because I don’t believe the basic premise of the observation. The concept ‘ineffability’, the idea the some things are beyond expression, between languages has little empirical support. Nor is there any empirical support for the Sapir-Whorf conjecture, that we are conceptually trapped by the language we speak. There is no Iranian mind, Norwegian mind, etc. mind; there are just human minds full of thoughts. If knowledge of language can be said to have a function, then its function is to allow a person full expression of his or her thoughts, whatever these may be and wherever a person’s mind may travel.

KZ: Some scholars put forward the notion that the prevalence of English as the international lingua franca may endanger the existence of local dialects, specifically in countries like India, where the people are accustomed to use English as an official language while their ancestral language is something else. What do you think about this idea?

WO: There is no doubt that the local and community languages of the world are disappearing, the number of languages quickly declining, perhaps as much as by half by the end of this century, and that their disappearance is brought about by colonialism and the hegemony of powerful nation states and their languages: Chinese, English, and Spanish in particular, but French, Hindi, Russian, and Portuguese also play a role, but a lesser one. The destruction of languages brought about by colonialism is incalculable, and their destruction through economic colonialism continues apace.

India, by the way, has its own English, quite distinct from the of other Commonwealth nations. In fact, it is quite common now to refer to the Englishes of the world even though spell check doesn’t like that word to be pluralized.

Moreover, although English is an official language of India, hundreds of millions of Indians have little or no knowledge of English and continue to speak local languages, living far outside that fast and modern world of the ruling classes.

KZ: In your various research papers, you suggested that Ebonics — African-American Vernacular English — is a distinct language. However, it’s widely believed that AAVE is a derivative dialect of English whose roots should be located in social and political backgrounds. What’s your idea about that?

WO: In the article on Ebonics (AAE) that you refer, I point out that in common usage, the term ‘language’ is not a scientific term, but a term that is bounded by lines on a map, class and race lines, etc. Thus Norwegian and Swedish, despite the fact that they are mutually comprehensible, are understood to be separate and distinct languages, while Yue (Cantonese) and Mandarin Chinese, not mutually understandable, are generally considered to part of one language: Chinese. A way of speaking is popularly believed to be a language if certain conditions are met; conditions that involve control; so in this sense, I concluded that AAE was a language since people in control (of the Oakland school board) said it was. That’s all that’s needed.

As for the technical term, I-language, this has a quite different status, used by linguists working within a certain scientific framework to refer to both what is in the mind of a person who knows a language and to the linguist’s attempts to capture and formalize that knowledge: to understand its nature, its growth in the individual, and its use in speaking and listening.

KZ: Finally, I would like to know what you think are the main challenges for teaching languages in the contemporary age.

WO: I’m not a language teacher, so I don’t face the challenges that teachers do. However, it does seem to me that a major problem, one that I have written about, is language prejudice. For example, foreign accents are everywhere about us and are here to stay; nevertheless, accented English, for example, is looked down upon, generally quite sternly. And, of course, within what we refer to as a language, certain ways of speaking that language (AAE, for example) meet with great prejudice, social and racial in nature. Thus, all of us who work as linguists and/or as language teachers must work to combat language prejudice, for it generally serves as a mask over class and racial prejudice and should be tolerated no more than any other prejudice.

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7 Comments

  1. mattkennard says:

    Interesting that language prejudice is sighted as the main obstacle to learning languages… Can totally see that…

  2. S.D. says:

    I think there's something to the idea of language prejudice, and it may have underlying elements of racism. Some time ago a man wrote an excellent op-ed piece for the Dallas Morning News about the immigration issue. He is Hispanic, third generation American born and raised in the Rio Grande Valley of Texas, and like many Valley Hispanics has a faint accent, although English is his first language. He told how he met his wife in college, and they married after graduation. She is not from this country (he wouldn't say where she was from at this point) and he described all the grief they went through to get her green card. He went on to say that more than 20 years later she still has her thick foreign accent, yet whenever the question of immigration comes up, people always ask HIM where he was born, where he grew up, etc., as if HE were the foreigner. He is frequently asked to show proof of citizenship, while nobody EVER asks his wife if she's in this country legally, or even when she came here–they always focus on his immigration status because he's obviously Mexican-American.

    The punch line at the end of his story is that his wife is from Australia.

  3. Alex Case says:

    Anyone who has become more or less fluent in another language can say that the words you use changes the way you think. That doesn't mean that there is something you can't think of because of a lack of words, but you certainly notice that things are disgusting or cute more often when you are speaking Italian and Japanese where those words come up all the time

  4. Will Sherman says:

    Sure, Alex, but the point you're making is not really interesting. So, wow, the things that tend to pop up in your head are influenced by what your friends talk about all the time, or the particular media sources you listen to, or the speech community you are in and what people in that speech community talk about a lot. Who knew!

    The point O'Neil is making is completely different, and it's important to draw a clear distinction between what you're talking about and what he's talking about. Because I think people confuse the two. What you're talking about is how ones thoughts, perspectives, and actions can be directed and influenced by the words that other people speak. (Which, again, isn't much of a revelation). What O'Neil is talking about is the biological blueprint in the cro-magnon brain that generates language, which is universal for all humans. As he puts it, "there are just human minds full of thoughts." Which then get translated into whatever language that person happens to speak.

    O'Neil is also refuting the racist Sapir-Whorf hypothesis which is based on a sloppy study of the Hopi Indians by Franz Boas, in which Boas concluded they don't have a concept for time because they don't have any words for it. Turns out they actually do have words for it. Not to mention he was totes fetishizing the native americans, and promulgating the lingering and regrettably ubiquitous notion of "Iranian minds" as distinct from "Norwegian minds" etc. Talk about racism and nationalism.

    I think O'Neil is right that aversion to foreign accents is one of the most dangerous aspects of language prejudice. But I wonder what is behind peoples' fierce distaste for accented English. There's this persistent notion that, say, the "USA mind" is different from the "Mexican mind". What's stopping people from assuming that the difference between the two doesn't imply the superiority of one over the other?

    Could it be that that's what's behind language prejudice?

  5. Will Sherman says:

    I meant to say:

    "What's stopping people from assuming that the difference between the two IMPLIES the superiority of one over the other?"

  6. Stephen Thompson says:

    A very interesting article, especially to a former teacher of foreign Languages. But surely, the fair solution to world-wide communication problems is widespread introduction of Esperanto into schools. Not only is this fair, which English is not, but reasearch has shown that people introduced to language learning via Esperanto go forward with greater confidence and interest to learn other languages more effectively. Esperanto is also no threat to "minority" languages.

  7. Will Sherman says:

    Stephen, the world-wide communication problems you bemoan have nothing to do with language. You complimented the interview as "very interesting", but did you even read it? O'Neil said:

    "The concept ‘ineffability’, the idea the some things are beyond expression, between languages has little empirical support"

    So even if there were no lingua franca (as English happens to be today), all important concepts would – and do – get translated fluidly. Esperanto, whose epic failure you seem to ignore (have you even bothered wondering WHY it failed?), would not be an inherently better lingua franca than current, past or future lingua francas that naturally evolve. Nor would it be "fairer". Think: even if it did work, which societies would have the time and resources to invest in this sort of experiment. Answer: affluent first world countries, who might then proceed to impose it on third world countries. Sound familiar?

    You say: "Esperanto is also no threat to "minority" languages". Yeah, because it's a failure. If it ever succeeded, can you guess what would happen?

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